Coral Gables Historical Archive
Coral Gables Riviera
Friday, May 15, 1942, page 6 (of 8)
The page
The text of this pageRead by computer from the scan, so some words may be wrong. The page picture is the original.
CORAL GABLES RIVIERA
AN INDEPENDENT COMMUNITY NEWSPAPER Published every Friday by the Miami Riviera Publishing Co., 306 Coral Way, Coral Gables, Fla. Established January, 1926 Combined with the Dade County and Coconut Grove Times, 1929. ALBERT E. HARUM President and Publisher JAMES B. MOORE Managing Editor Charles S. Lerden Advertising Manager Gertrude Hardeman Circulation Manager Helen Reynolds Society Editor Edythe Farley Credit Manager Mailing Address, P. O. Box 704 Telephone 4-1684 Member, Florida Press Association National Editorial Association Represented in the National Advertising Field by the American Press Association, New York City SUBSCRIPTION RATES Six Months $1.25 One Year $2.00 Out of Town $3.00 Entered as second class matter May 21, 1926, at the Postoffice at Miami, Florida, under Act of March 3, 1879.
Summer Program
City Manager George Shaw announced last Friday that he was considering a summer program of events at the Venetian Pool and the Granada Golf Course to provide entertainment for the hundreds of Gableites who will be taking their vacations at home. Visitors and military personnel housed here will also be invited to participate. There is a lot of merit to such a program. Not only will it show the soldiers and other visitors that we are a hospitable community, but it will make local residents appreciate their home town all the more. Many people, who have never visited the pool and golf cousre, will do so and then continue to use those facilities. Mr. Shaw's idea is a splendid one. Residents will look forward eagerly to the announcement of the program.
Building and the War
The drastic effect of the war on Coral Gables' building program was forcefully felt last week when it was announced that building for the month of April totaled only $6,707, as compared with $129,115 for the same month last year. We're glad to say, however that the issuing of the report was not the occasion for weeping and gnashing of teeth. Rather it was accepted with a philosophical shrug of the shoulders and the paraphrasing of the expression "C'est la guerre." Every Gableite knows that the cessation of building is a necessity due to the war effort. But the fact that makes it much easier to take is the knowledge that when the war is over, the building will continued with renewed vigor. Until that time, Coral Gables faces such facts uncomplainingly.
A Job Well Done
The initial and biggest step in Coral Gables' battle to consolidate its debts under the 1937 refunding agreement was won last Friday when the special master in the Federal bankruptcy hearing turned in his report, ruling in favor of this city on every count. If this decision is upheld in the appeal, and there is every indication that it will be, Coral Gables will have all of its outstanding creditors going along with the 1937 agreement. We will not go into the various ramifications of the suit and what it means in that editorial, because that has been ably done by George Shaw in an article which appears elsewhere in this edition. But the victory is one that will mean much to the future of the community, and all those who had any part in it deserve heartiest congratulations.
The Cycle Code
With the use of bicycles becoming more and more prevalent, the setting up of a strict code governing their use falls into the category of a necessity. Gableites should realize that these rules are being formed more for their protection rather than to hamper them in any way. The need for such regulations is particularly in evidence in the business district, where several pedestrians have already been struck by bicyclists riding on the side walk. Parking of the two-wheeled vehicles on the pavement has also constituted a pedestrian hazard. Commissioner Thomas Mayes has brought up the point that if riding bicycles on sidewalks is prohibited, that many children will be deprived of their use. Here a little discretion can be used. Just for the present there is no objection to children riding on the sidewalks in the residential areas. However, if they plan on bringing their bikes into the business area, they must walk them, if they are not allowed to ride in the street. The ordinance will also require all bikes that are used at night to be equipped with tail reflectors and a light. This is a most necessary regulation and unless the requirements are complied with soon, some very serious accidents are going to occur. It is the intention of the police and the City Commission to make these rules as easy to comply with as possible. As we stated before, they are designed for the protection of the cyclist and every man, woman and child should not only observe them, but appreciate them.
WALTER LIPPMANN
In his order of the day on May first Stalin said that the Red Army is "fighting a war for the Fatherland, a war of liberation, a just war. We have no such aims as the occupation of foreign countries, the subjugation of other peoples." A close reading of the whole text of this significant declaration shows that Stalin expressly meant to say to the Finns and to the Germans, as well as to the Hungarians and Rumanians, that the defeat of the German army and the downfall of the Nazi regime would not be followed by Russian military occupation of these "foreign countries." Though the effect of this statement of Russian war aims will not be obvious and visible for some time, it is none the less of great potential importance, both immediately and in the longer run. Thus it is notice to the Finns that Finland is to survive a Nazi debacle and that, therefore, it is the vital interest of Finland to make sure that when hostilities end, there is still a Finnish army and a not utterly exhausted Finnish nation. Everyone knows that Finland cannot today make a separate peace and withdraw from the war. But the fact that Russia, and obviously also Britain and America, intend to respect the national independence of Finland, is the best of all reasons why Finland should, like Italy, for example, try to conserve her resources until the war is over. Finland has every interest in not ruining herself fighting Hitler's war. The same practical calculation holds true for the Hungarians and the Rumanians, and there are many reasons for thinking they are well aware of it. They are committed, and the noble but for understandable reasons, to help Hitler by sending troops to Russia and even to placate him by taking the preposterous step of declaring war against the United States. But both have insisted on keeping an army at home, and this is a shrewd precaution against the time when the Nazi military power breaks up and anarchy is threatened along the German lines of communication to the East. If Hungary and Rumania have armies intact, which at the proper moment are ready to liberate their countries from the Nazi captivity, they will have done the best that is possible for their two countries. The hardest and most critical problem of Europe--now and immediately after the downfall of Hitler--is how each nation is to have enough force and enough governmental authority within its own territory--first, to contribute to its own liberation, then to preserve domestic order and then to insure its proper representation in the re-settlement of the continent. In the case of Italy the problem is readily soluble in so far as the Italians do not let Mussolini exhaust and destroy the Italian naval and land forces in Hitler's war. For when the time comes to remove Mussolini and his henchmen, the King and the House of Savoy, the army, the Vatican will remain to make negotiations possible. In the case of France the liberation will be carried out by the French nation, rising up in rear of the enemy to join the British and the Americans. Until that event is ready, the future of France depends upon a national resistance to all attempts to sell the French forces to Hitler. For the future of France depends upon retaining and enlarging and eventually re-equipping the armed forces of France. The German problem is by all odds the most difficult both for the Germans and for ourselves. Stalin's declaration that the Red army will not occupy Germany deals with only one aspect of the German problem as Germans are bound to see it. They are on the verge of knowing, though nothing can be shown conclusively until the battle of this summer have been fought, that Hitler cannot impose his order on the United Nations. They know that Hitler can never negotiate a peace and bring the war to an end, and even assuming the worst conceivable from the Allied point of view, probably not even a truce. For the United Nations will refuse to negotiate with Hitler; more conclusively, Hitler--as the Germans know best of all--can never demobilize the German war machine and must therefore make war until he cannot make war any longer. Therefore, the German problem in its most immediate form is what happens to the German people if Hitler is overthrown, if the army is destroyed, or if both these things happen. Unlike Italy, there is no legitimate government in Germany with which the Allies could, if they were willing, negotiate. Unlike them the Nazis have implicated the German in crimes against their neighbors which have sown the seeds of a terrible revenge. The Goebbels propaganda to the German nation is based on these two evident facts--that there is no obvious alternative to Hitler and that the Germans are hated bitterly from one end of Europe to the other. It would be stupid to deny that these things are true, and since they are true, it follows that the war will go on until it seems far worse to the Germans to fight for Hitler than to quit and face the consequences of Hitlerism. The question is whether there is as regards Germany a closed circle which can be broken only by total violence. If, to start with the United Nations cannot invent a German Government with which they could afford to negotiate peace. It is equally plain that the primary problem of the provisional government which replaces Hitler will be to purge itself of the hatreds which it will inherit from Hitler. For certainly there can be no peace which will last if it is based on revenge. But on the other hand, there will be revenge until somehow the people of Europe, the near neighbors of Germany, have the conviction that the purge is complete. This is the crucial difficulty. Perhaps all that can be said usefully about it at this stage of the war is that, as regards Germany, three matters will have to be settled before hostilities can end. These matters include the establishment of a new, though provisional, government, the liquidation of the Nazi crimes in the occupied territories, and the purge which is essential if Europe is not to be haunted forever by the memories of the Nazi terror. In Germany's case, unlike that of any other of her European Allies, these radical events will have to take place before even an armistice, not to speak of a peace settlement, could be negotiated. (Copyright, 1942, New York Tribune, Inc.)
Bringing the War a Lot Closer
BY BROWN
Mark Sullivan
Several events having to do with Japan add up to serious omen for the United States. Because the sum of separate events often does not make as much impression as a single spectacular incident, we may fail to grasp the meaning of what happened last week. First, in India. Leaders of the All-India Congress, passed a most remarkable series of resolutions. While they did not mention the United States, they in effect told us they do not want our armed forces in India, now or in the future, for the purpose of defending India against Japan or for any other purpose. The language of their taboo was "interference... by any foreign nation, whatever the professions of that nation may be." Then, they spoke of Britain, by name. As to Britain defending India against Japan, the Indian leaders resolved merely "not to put obstacles in the way of British forces." If that is the limit of Indian help it is a question, decidedly, whether the British can prevent Japan from taking India. As to invasion by Japan, the Indian leaders said that India's attitude would be "non-violent non-co-operation"--that is, pure passive resistance. If those resolutions of the All-India Congress really expresses the attitude and intention of India--then India should be a pushover for Japan whenever Japan chooses to move in. The Indian leaders, as one can gather from their stilted words, are "intellectuals," more interested in ideology than in national defense. But it is apparent they are accepted as the spokesmen of India. Next, Japan in Burma. Loss of Burma by the British, which became apparent last week, is much more than the loss of so much territory. Possession of Burma is to Japan possession of a path to India (in addition to the sea path). It is also an additional path to China, a new route of attack especially dangerous to the Chinese. Further, Japan now controls the Burma road, by which India got most of her supplies from us and the British. Today, China is almost cut off, except for tortuous and extremely difficult routes, by which only a trickle of supplies can enter. She gets some supplies by air, but necessarily little; and she gets some fighting planes, though far from enough. Finally, loss of Burma was loss of most of China's sources of oil and gas. From reports of travelers recently back from China, it is apparent that country is more handicapped than most of us in America have known. Happily, the same travelers report that the Chinese spirit is as courageous and determined as ever--we can rely on China sticking to the end. But, lacking tanks and other heavy supplies, China's opposition to Japan may be reduced for a time almost to the status of guerrilla warfare. These recent successes of Japan are of a piece with her course since she started the war. The truth is, in the whole five months she has encountered no defeat and no serious delay except the stubborn resistance of our forces in the Philippines. The sum of all is that Japan is well on her way toward her dream of all-Asiatic conquest--probably farther than she expected to be at this time. From the American point of view, this would call for a prompt offensive by us--before Japan can organize her gains. If she has a few months' immunity from a formidable offensive by us, she can reopen the Burmese and East Indian oil fields, thus supplying what is at present her greatest lack. But apparently we are not to have the opportunity to chck [sic] her. To the contrary--according from the most recent information from Australia suggest strongly that Japan is about to take the offensive against us in that area. At present our strength in Australia is about equal to that of the Japanese. We make forays of attack, and the Japanese make forays of attack, the two about balancing each other. But recent dispatches indicate that Japan is greatly increasing her aid and naval forces in that area. If our communications are seriously interrupted, it will hardly be possible for us to build up in Australia a store of supplies sufficient for taking a formidable offensive against Japan. Our necessity for protecting the Pacific line of communications comes at a time when it is imperative to protect the other line, across the Atlantic, for the sake of helping Britain and Russia against Hitler. To this picture, there are at least two partial offsets. One is that Japan has lost heavily in ships, both cargo and naval; and her capacity for new ship construction is small. The other is that in every case in which American forces, naval or air or military, have come in contact with Japanese forces, ourn have proved to be much superior. (Copyright, 1942, New York Tribune, Inc.)
This ONE'S ON YOU
SIGNS OF SPRING--From all indications, and despite the censorship of weather reports, we have reached the definite conclusion that "spring has come." Our unquestionable barometer is the fact that the City Manager has traded in his battered and traditional felt hat for a brand new straw one. * * * ALL FOR MOTHER - Last Friday an earnest youngster by the name of Rinehart Sedenburg came in the Riviera office and asked if he could sell papers on the street. After a few moments of conversation, we made a deal and off went Rinehart, shouting for all that he was worth. Saturday he came in, turned in his receipts and collected his commission, amounting to 50 cents. Later, from a friend, we found the purpose behind all this. Seems that Rinehart wanted some money to buy a Mother's Day gift, but, of course, he didn't want to ask his mother for it. So he got the papers, sold Friday afternoon and evening, and Saturday morning and then proudly purchased a gift with his profits. * * * TOMORROW-- Tomorrow is another day, It holds such wondrous things; Today, unhonored and unknown, Tomorrow, maybe kings. We walk in paths of rosy hue, We dream our time away; For who knows what tomorrow brings, There's no one who can say. Perhaps our dreams will crumble And unknown we'll sink from sight, But tomorrow is such a long way off And we can dream tonight. Our hearts see only joy, No gloom, no pain, no sorrow; For who knows what we'll find beyond The threshold of tomorrow. ANN CONE. * * * STATUE OF LIBERTY Symbol of freedom, of friendship and love, Goddess of peace with strength from above; Silent, celestial, alone you have stood-- Patient example for all brotherhood. Unmoving, untiring, majestic in grace, Welcoming all who gaze on your face; Greeting each stranger from over the sea, Cheering the heart of each refugee. Your torch through the ages, its light never dying, Is challenging tyrants, bondage defying, Perturbed not by war nor treacherous sea, You guard through the years the land of the free. LAREETA CATER
As I See It by Jim Moore
We've been reading a lot lately about these Victory vacations, so we're going to give it a whirl. At the stroke of noon tomorrow, we're going to take the phone off the hook, climb into some comfortable old clothes and settle down to a week of relaxation. We're looking forward to it with a great deal of pleasure--even more than if we were going to take off for distant parts--for the mountains or some other resort. Pleasure No. 1 will be thumbing our nose at the alarm clock at 6:30. That's the time we usually emerge to go forth and earn our daily bread. We're going to continue to set the alarm clock--just for the sadistic pleasure of turning it off and rolling over for a couple of more hours' sleep with a clear conscience. JIM MOORE We're planning, too, to do a lot of work around the house. We want to set out some shrubs and do some other landscaping. But we won't guarantee positively to get this done. We're always planning to do some work around the house--but somehow, we always seem to find some good, logical excuse to postpone it. Anyhow, we've got it jotted down on our schedule. Maybe we can stand around in our shorts and watch Edward, our very competent yard man, do it. What's the difference, as long as the same effect is attained. The Venetian Pool is going to see a lot of us, too. We've made a firm vow to turn sun worshipper for at least part of every day next week. We're hoping to end up our Victory Vacation as brown as the proverbial berry--or at least attain a glistening bronze like Russ Ellington, the pool manager. As for the rest of the day--that's the best part of it. There just isn't going to be any schedule. We're not going to try to have meals on time, go to bed on time, or do anything that has the slightest resemblance to a routine. No-sir, routine's out for the duration (of the week). On last vacation we took, we covered a lot of territory--about 4,000 miles. We had a lot of fun, saw a lot of people we really wanted to see, spent a lot of money we really couldn't afford to spent--and chalked it off as a good vacation. However, when we got to thinking about it afterwards, we had the impression that most of the time, we spent driving from one point to another. Our good times were mingled with drab miles and miles of unwinding road, tired eyes and dusty clothes. So we feel that our Victory vacation is going to really be a vacation. We expect to smooth out the knots out of our nerves, the wrinkles out of our forehead and the worries out of our brain. The more we think about it, the more we feel that these enforced Victory vacations will be a good thing for everybody. Most of us get so wrapped up in our everyday work routine, and then scoot off for two weeks amid strange surroundings, that we forget to appreciate our home town. Yet, to Coral Gables, people travel for thousands of miles to enjoy the things we have at our elbow. It might be tough, not being able to see old friends and relatives this summer, but we think that everybody will gain a lot in learning to appreciate Coral Gables a lot more. So here's to bigger and better Victory vacations.
Book Briefs
"Dictators and Democrats." Edited by Lawrence Fernsworth (Robert M. McBride and Co.). Reviewed by LOUISE LEYDEN For a canvas insight into the lives of men in power today throughout various parts of the world, "Dictators and Democrats" is the answer. This is an anthology of interviews by writers well known in America--Dorothy Thompson, H. R. Knickerbocker, Emil Ludwig, Ralph Ingersoll, Clare Boothe, Eugene Lyons, Carlton Beals--to name a few. Much water has gone under the bridge since many of the interviews were made. Many things have happened; events affecting and reshaping the entire world. Conditions now obscure the international scene. Leaders no longer speak freely their real thoughts. It is for this reason that this anthology fulfills a particular mission, as the interviews were granted at a time when dictators and democrats both expressed more or less their true selves. The book contains thirty-one interviews and each is as colorful as the man who is interviewed. There is a weighing of one way of life against another. There is a pitting of intense racy against dictatorship, of liberty and freedom against slavery and subjection. Hitler, Goering, Mussolini, Count Ciano, Prince Fumimaro Konoye, Goebbels and others are placed upon the scales of close inspection to be outweighed by the champions of democracy--Franklin D. Roosevelt, Winston Churchill, Cordell Hull, Mackenzie King and Chiang Kai-shek. The editor, Mr. Fernsworth, has compiled an interesting and informative group of interviews. Some were written expressly for the anthology; others are reprints from recent works. In the foreword Mr. Fernsworth states that in the preparation of the book his aim was two-fold; first: "To maintain a sense of continuity and perspective, showing the personalities in their relation to the present, to the future and to each other; and, second, to interest the students of journalism, whether the seasoned professional writer, the man yet to make his debut, or the average reader of the average newspaper." By selecting writers skilled in their art, writers with mature judgment who know what to ask and when to ask it, and who let their information jell before setting it down upon paper, the editor largely has achieved his main objectives.